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The Supreme Court opens its term with eleven criminal cases already granted, among them challenges to semi-automatic rifle restrictions, twelve-person juries, and the seizure of an aircraft over six cans of beer, yet a Congressional Research Service survey records almost one hundred additional federal conflicts left untouched.
The justices therefore choose which fragments of the law they will clarify while the rest of the republic’s criminal jurisprudence fractures further under the weight of contradictory appellate decrees.
This measured restraint cannot be read as prudence; it is the calculated posture of a tribunal that has learned to live comfortably inside the managerial order rather than confront its expansion.
From the moment the common-law inheritance crossed the Atlantic, English-speaking courts understood that uniform interpretation of criminal prohibitions was essential to the liberty of the subject; the present Court’s tolerance of widespread splits revives the very arbitrary power the Framers sought to escape.
Scripture and the ancient creeds alike insist that justice must be measured by fixed standards, not by the accidents of geography or the preferences of regional panels; when those standards are permitted to diverge, the rule of law itself dissolves into competing administrative fiefdoms.
The faithful remnant must therefore cease treating the federal judiciary as a neutral referee and recognize it instead as one more institutional participant in the long retreat from constitutional limits.
Pressure must now be applied at every lawful point—state legislatures reclaiming concurrent authority, governors refusing cooperation with federal overreach, and households teaching their sons the older understanding of jury right and property protection—so that the City of Man finds fewer places to hide its contradictions.
The hour for quiet confidence in nine robed guardians has passed; the hour for organized Christian resistance to judicial minimalism has arrived.
